Nuclear-Free: Aotearoa’s Resistance in the South Pacific

Luca Vita

It is late evening on 10 July 1985. The Green Peace ship Rainbow Warrior sits docked in Auckland Harbour. On board, the crew celebrate ahead of their upcoming voyage to protest atomic weapons testing in the Pacific Islands. Unbeknownst to the crew, two navy divers from the French DGSE secret service are silently fixing explosives to the hull. Shortly before midnight, two explosions tore through the ship, sinking it and killing crew member Fernando Pereira. 

The attack marked a violent climax in Aotearoa New Zealand’s nuclear-free movement. While the story of the Rainbow Warrior still occupies a place in our collective memory, what is less talked about is the wider movement surrounding it. The anti-nuclear movement is one of New Zealand’s most significant involvements on the world stage. In the late twentieth century, New Zealanders pushed back against some of the world’s most powerful nations, determined to keep nuclear weapons out of their region. At the time when it mattered most, Aotearoa stood up for itself and its Pacific neighbours. 

Today, as the world becomes increasingly uncertain, it is worth reflecting on what it took to achieve freedom from nuclear weapons in the South Pacific.

THE BEGINNING

New Zealand’s pushback against weapons of mass destruction began in 1955. That year, the United Kingdom requested to move its nuclear testing programme to the Rangitāhua Kermadec Islands. At the time, Britain was searching for a new test site, having previously used locations in the Australian outback. Prime Minister Sir Sidney Holland refused the request, fearing strong public backlash. However, it would not be until the 1970s when Aotearoa’s staunchly anti-nuclear stance would take hold. 

During the mid-1960s, France had begun conducting above-ground atomic trials in French Polynesia. Specifically, the Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls near Tahiti were selected. France shifted their weapons program to the Pacific after Algeria—its former colony—gained independence and barred further use of North African sites. By the early 1970s, nuclear testing in the South Pacific had become frequent. Despite growing opposition and repeated requests from neighbouring countries, the detonations continued. 

In response, New Zealand, Australia, and Fiji took legal action. By mid-1973, all three had brought cases against France before the United Nations International Court of Justice. These efforts eventually proved successful. In a precedent-setting decision, the International Court of Justice arbitrated against the French nuclear tests. 

Opposition to nuclear testing was not limited to legal appeals. By the early 1970s, there was significant public outrage. Green Peace, along with other groups, began organizing protest voyages to the South Pacific. In 1972, the first flotilla of anti-nuclear vessels set sail for Moruroa atoll, led by the Rainbow Warrior. Only the Rainbow Warrior ultimately reached the atoll. Even so, this marked the beginning of many such missions, with ships from Aotearoa repeatedly entering the exclusion zone. 

As the protests continued, the French military response became increasingly hostile. Vessels entering the zone were met with attempted boardings, harassment, and even ramming by the French Navy. Despite the risks, activists persisted, determined to disrupt scheduled nuclear tests.

Protest efforts were not limited to civilians. After France failed to comply with the International Court of Justice’s ruling, the New Zealand government stepped up its efforts. In 1972, Prime Minister Sir Norman Kirk authorised navy frigate HMNZS Otago, followed by HMNZS Canterbury, to set sail for Moruroa to oppose the French tests. To further emphasise the weight of the protest, cabinet minister Fraser Coleman was sent aboard to accompany the two frigates on their journey. The selection of the accompanying minister was decided by drawing names from a hat. It has been suggested that Coleman—then Minister of Mines and Immigration—had his name written on every slip.

Mounting international pressure finally achieved success. In 1975, France accepted the International Court of Justice’s ruling, bringing an end to above-ground nuclear testing. However, this was only a partial victory. Testing did not stop entirely—rather, it shifted underground at Moruroa and Fangataufa, where detonations continued for decades. 

FOCUS ON THE US

The next major focus of Aotearoa’s nuclear-free movement was the presence of American naval vessels in New Zealand ports. As a long-standing ally of the United States, New Zealand would frequently see US naval vessels dock in its ports. However, growing concern surrounded their nuclear propulsion systems and the possibility of onboard weapons. 

Many Kiwis feared the risk of an accident involving one of these boats. As Prime Minister Sir David Lange later put it, “there is only one thing I suppose worse than being killed by the nuclear weapon of your enemy, and that is being killed by the nuclear weapon of your friend.” 

From the mid-1970s, protests intensified. American ships entering New Zealand harbours were met by flotillas of fishing boats and other small vessels attempting to disrupt their arrival. The USS Truxtun, Long Beach, Haddo and Pintado all received the same treatment, swarms of small boats flooding the harbour upon their entry. 

At the time, the United States maintained a policy “to neither confirm, nor deny” whether their ships carried nuclear weapons. The ambiguity only deepened public concern. While not all visiting vessels were capable of carrying nuclear arms—and many that were did not necessarily have them onboard—the uncertainty remained a central issue. This concern was reinforced when the US Secretary of State confirmed that, at times, naval ships would indeed be armed with nuclear weapons.

Despite growing opposition, Prime Minister Sir Robert Muldoon allowed US naval visits to continue. Muldoon saw these port calls as part of New Zealand honouring its commitments as a United States ally and a member of ANZUS—the security alliance between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States. At the time, ANZUS was a cornerstone of Aotearoa’s defence policy.

However, by 1984, this was all about to change. It was an election year, and Muldoon’s government held only a slim majority. Public opposition to atomic weapons had reached Parliament, and Labour had introduced an anti-nuclear bill. National MP Marylin Waring broke ranks, and told Muldoon she would not be voting against the bill. Soon after—having spent the evening drinking—a visibly drunk Muldoon staggered out to the press gallery and called a snap election. The result was decisive. Labour, led by David Lange, came to power with a clear promise to end American port visits. 

The United States government did not expect the new government to follow through with its promise, and continued to plan ship visits. This came to a head in 1985, when the US requested access for the USS Buchanan, a vessel capable of carrying nuclear weapons. American officials had hoped that, by sending an older ship unlikely to be unarmed, they could avoid the new policy. However, this plan failed due to their “neither confirm nor deny” policy. Unable to verify the ship’s status, the New Zealand Government refused entry.

The decision strained relations between the two countries. The United States declared that New Zealand’s stance would “not be without cost,” downgraded its status from “ally” to “friend,” and reduced defence cooperation. 

BACK TO FRANCE

The collapse of ANZUS did not mark the end of international pressure on Aotearoa. 

While tensions with the United States continued, France persisted with nuclear testing in the South Pacific. These detonations remained a central focus for protest groups within New Zealand. The Rainbow Warrior had only recently returned from the Pacific when it was preparing for another voyage in July 1985. This mission was intended to interrupt an upcoming test at Moruroa atoll. 

In response, the French government authorised a covert operation to prevent the ship from sailing. A team of eight DGSE agents was deployed to New Zealand, all travelling under forged passports. Two navy divers were tasked with planting explosives, while the remaining agents supported the operation. 

After the bombing, the divers and four other agents escaped, with some being extracted by a French nuclear submarine before authorities could formally link them to the incident. Two agents were less fortunate. Captain Dominique Prieur and Commander Alain Mafart were arrested while returning a rented camper van used in the operation. They were charged with document fraud and subsequently sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for their involvement.

France responded with diplomatic pressure, threatening to sanction Aotearoa by blocking future trade deals with the European Economic Community (the precursor to the European Union). 

A compromise was eventually reached. The agents’ sentences were reduced and transferred to a French military base in Polynesia. France agreed to pay reparations to New Zealand, Green Peace, and the family of Fernando Pereira. However, Prieur and Mafart did not remain there for long. Within two years, both were returned to France, where they resumed their careers as DGSE officers. 

FALLOUT

France would not end its nuclear testing programme until 1996. This marked the first time since the end of World War II without testing in the South Pacific. Despite an end to the explosions, the radioactive scars left behind can still be seen today on islands across the Pacific. 

According to Green Peace, a total of 325 nuclear devices were detonated in the Pacific by France, the United Kingdom and the United States. Combined, these explosions had a force roughly equivalent to 11,600 Hiroshima bombs. All three nations individually contaminated thousands of square kilometres of land and ocean. More disturbingly however, multiple communities were knowingly and repeatedly subjected to dangerous levels of radioactive fallout. 

A recent report estimated the impacts of France’s nuclear testing. It is predicted that in one test alone, as many as 110,000 people across French Polynesia could have been contaminated. This represented nearly 90% of the French Polynesian population at the time. In other instances, only small isolated communities were impacted. However, the consequences in these cases were much more serious. Radioactive rainwater caused heightened rates of cancer. One island was subjected to the effects of nuclear testing 31 times.

While it is difficult to determine the exact number of cases, the stories of those living on the islands paint a grim picture. The X-rays of one cancer victim depicted him as a ‘heavy smoker’ despite him never having smoked a cigarette. 

French nuclear weapons testing certainly had the largest impacts, though Britain and America committed similarly harmful acts. Aboriginal communities suffered at the hands of British testing and the inhabitants of the Marshall Islands were victims of American fallout. These communities were plagued by increased cancer rates, in particular thyroid cancers. The thyroid being the part of the body most susceptible to radiation poisoning leaves little doubt as to what the cause might be.

And yet, the rhetoric—and behaviour—of these states has hardly changed. Only recently, French President Emmanuel Macron signalled his nation's intent to increase its nuclear arsenal, stating “To be free, one must be feared. To be feared, one must be powerful.” Even after decades of struggle, countries continue to maintain and modernise their stockpiles. 

CONCLUSION

The destruction of the Rainbow Warrior was nothing short of an act of state terrorism. The sinking was a tragic example of the lengths New Zealand’s supposed allies would be willing to go to in order to protect their nuclear interests. 

The path to a world without atomic arms remains long. In the words of David Lange, “New Zealand’s policy … has not caused the arsenal of weapons with nuclear ability to be reduced by one.” 

Still, what Aotearoa and the Pacific have achieved is significant. Nuclear testing in the South Pacific has ended. Communities no longer live under the immediate threat of fallout. New Zealand remains nuclear-free and an advocate against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 

Today, that role is as important as ever. Aotearoa must continue to lead in opposing the development of atomic weapons and in holding nuclear-armed states to account.